This is a draft of a paper to be presented at the 2nd Annual Workshop in the Exploring the Layers of Digital Archaeological Practice Series, whose theme this year is Data and Technology Politics in Archaeology. The workshop will be hosted at the Norwegian Institute at Athens from December 3-4, 2025. A refined, peer-reviewed version will be published in the workshop proceedings.
Introduction
Archaeological projects are inherently collaborative, in that they bring teams of people with a variety of unique outlooks and experiences to examine material assemblages of common interest. Archaeologists apply a multitude of tools and methods, in sequence and in tandem and across different kinds of work settings, to produce rich and heterogeneous data about their engagements with the archaeological record. They adhere to professional norms and expectations to organize the products of their collective labour, and rely on a combination of digital and analog devices and protocols to pool the outcomes of their respective tasks.
Advanced computational systems have addressed many technical barriers, but data integration is much more than just a technical process; it also involves considerable collaborative labour to facilitate commensurability of research outcomes and to ensure that all parties effectively contribute to common goals. In this paper I draw clear associations between project and data management, and their mutual reliance on technological systems as means of maintaining control. As such, it draws attention to the series of collaborative commitments and broader social contexts from which we develop data management systems and infrastructures.
Specifically, the paper examines how locally-circumscribed practices are re-framed as generic processes as part of attempts to streamline the dissemination of data, and how this permeates across project systems at various scales — albeit unevenly across various agents within project collectives.
Background
[To be written…]
Methods and Data
The findings presented here are derived from my dissertation (Batist 2023), which produced three other papers deriving from the same methods and data. As such, there is significant overlap with the work presented in Batist (2024, 2025b, 2025a) where further methodological details and provided.
Approach
This study is informed by a science and technology studies (STS) tradition, which views science as cultural practice shaped by social interactions. Specifically, it explores how researchers collaborate and share information, looking at how they contribute to and use a shared pool of knowledge. I focus on how participation in specialized disciplinary communities of practice instills norms and expectations that govern how actors may contribute to or access these information commons, and how this mutual understanding is accessed, expressed and reproduced.
This aligns with the situated cognition framework, which examines the improvised and context-specific nature of human activities, including scientific research (Knorr Cetina 2001; Suchman 2007). Situated cognition helps us analyze how people talk about their work, defining what their community considers acceptable or unacceptable practices. It also helps explain how cultural or community-based values influence their decisions and actions. Based on this framework, the study sees archaeology as a collective effort to understand the past, which relies on systems comprising both technical and social mechanisms that carry information from different stages of research. The technical elements are the means through which information becomes encoded onto information objects so that they may form the basis for further inference, whereas the social elements constitute a series of norms or expectations that facilitate the delegation of roles and responsibilities among agents who contribute their time, effort and accumulated knowledge to communal goals.
Cases
This paper articulates some systemic relations that scaffold archaeologists’ actions and attitudes at two independent archaeological projects, which serve as cases. The cases are not the subjects of inquiry, and instead represent discrete instances that share common reference to the overall research themes (Stake 2006). So while the cases are certainly not representative of the whole archaeological discipline, they do enable me to reveal some underappreciated systemic concerns that underlie data management. As such, the findings are informed by the behaviours and attitudes expressed to me by those who agreed to participate, and by my own standpoint as a scholar of the culture and practice of science and of the media and infrastructures that support data sharing, integration and reuse.
Both cases were research projects located in southern Europe and directed by professors affiliated with North American universities. I contributed to Case A for several years as a database manager, which provided me a privileged outlook on the systems set up to integrate and draw value from data. My involvement as a participant observer occurred over three years, from 2017 to 2019, and involved visiting the project during its summer field seasons to observe archaeological practices and to interview selected participants. I also held interviews throughout the “off season”. My continual and longer-term participation at Case A afforded greater understanding of the intricate social relations that developed over time, and enabled me to examine how certain methods and attitudes evolved over successive field seasons. This helped me account for how knowledge emerged from activities distributed across time, place and circumstance. Case B is generally regarded as being technologically innovative and has paved the way for application of novel digital tools and technologies into daily fieldwork routines (especially photogrammetry and advanced spatial recording systems). I visited this project for ten days during its 2019 summer fieldwork season, and my visit focused on the challenges that emerge from the use of advanced information systems, including how participants attempt to resolve those problems. My work at Case B was more intensive, and presented me with a fresh alternative to what I observed in Case A, which follows more traditional data management procedures.
In both cases, the data I collected largely pertains to fieldwork recording practices, processing and analysis of finds, records management, interdisciplinary collaboration, decisions regarding writing and publication of findings, and discussions of how data and findings are presented, evaluated and revised among broader research communities. They each illustrate of the pragmatic and multifaceted ways in which participants reason and work their way through the rather mundane activities that archaeologists commonly undertake in similar research contexts.
Commercial archaeology is absent from this study’s scope, despite the fact that it accounts for the vast majority of archaeological work conducted throughout North America and Europe. My own lack of knowledge about commercial archaeology contributed to my decision to exclude it from this study. However, Thorpe (2012) and Zorzin (2015) have done similar work in this domain and have arrived at complementary conclusions.
Data Collection
I assembled a rich and heterogeneous dataset comprising recorded observations of research practices, embedded interviews with archaeologists while they worked, retrospective interviews in non-work settings, and documents produced and used by project participants.
Observations were usually video-recorded and documented what people actually do, which may differ from what they say or think they do. The main focus of observations was on how people used information tools and interfaces, to account for how the specific context of an activity influences its implementation, and to document how researchers use unconventional solutions or “hacks” to solve problems (Goodwin 2010). Embedded interviews were conversational inquiries conducted while participants were actively working. This helps me understand how and why people make decisions in real-time, considering the immediate pressures and circumstances of their work. Unlike simply observing their actions, these interviews captured the practical perspectives held by the researchers (Flick 1997). Retrospective interviews were longer discussions held outside participants’ work environments. They provided greater understanding of the broader contexts of work by exploring aspects that were not easily observed, such as project planning, publishing, and collaboration (Fontana and Frey 2000). They also provided insight into how researchers saw themselves and their roles within the larger academic community. I examined documents including recording sheets, photographs, labels, databases, datasets and reports to gain insight into the norms or expectations concerning the presentation of legitimate forms of knowledge. I emphasized how people interacted with these media and ascribed value to them.
I also wrote extensive field notes that remarked on key moments from observations and interview sessions, descriptions of unrecorded activities and conversations, and reflexive journal entries.
Data Analysis
Through abductive qualitative analysis of observations of archaeological practice, interviews with archaeologists as they worked, and of documents they created, I captured diverse experiences and outlooks that provide insight regarding how data management infrastructures are valued and used in a variety of contexts. This involved coding segments of interview transcripts and observational records and performing systematic writing and conceptual modelling exercises directly alongside the data (Charmaz 2014). This allowed me to build theories based on empirical evidence that reflected the informants’ diverse experiences.
By listening to participants’ views concerning the systems with which they engaged and explanations as to why they acted in the ways that they did, I uncovered some underlying assumptions that shaped their perspectives and actions. Specifically, I was able to articulate systemic factors that scaffolded participants’ actions, attitudes, and experiences as they contributed to collective operations.
Findings
Analysis of archaeological materials and data is dependent on systems of control. To control the flow of materials and the structure of data, it is necessary to control people’s behaviours. In other words, the epistemic value that a project produces is inherently dependent on the control that may be imposed on archaeologists behaviours. Here I document some ways in which projects scaffold archaeologists’ behaviours through technical and administrative means.
Sampling
In the cases I observed, specialist work often involved specific sampling procedures that differed from, but also occurred alongside, standard fieldwork practices. Specialists either collected their own samples or instructed fieldworkers to collect samples on their behalf and in ways that corresponded to their needs. Trench supervisors were usually present to guide the specialist in their trench, to help identify the locations from which specimens would likely yield more useful results, and to be aware of changes to their work environments that the sampling procedure may have caused. For example, Marie, who was Case A’s OSL specialist, was responsible for establishing absolute dates for various stratigraphic units at the site, and was very involved in the careful work of collecting samples from the trenches.A1 OSL dating determines how long ago mineral grains were exposed to sunlight, and it is critical to avoid exposing specimens to light. Sampling therefore had to occur at night, and the involvement of trench supervisors was crucial for determining where to draw the sample under such cumbersome conditions.A2 Moreover, it was common practice to place a dosimeter where the sample was taken in order to record background conditions that would have affected that specific location, thus allowing calibration of the dose. Trench supervisors were instructed to take care not to disturb these dosimeters as they continued to excavate, until they would be collected at a later time.A3
In some cases, as when a specialist could not be present during sample removal, it was deemed necessary to delegate sampling work to a fieldworker who received training in basic sampling procedures. This happened when a specialist had to leave the field before the end of an excavation season, and but had enough foresight to instruct a fieldworker to carry out the work on their behalf.A1 In this situation, the fieldworker effectively worked in service of a specialist activity and had to consider the criteria that would be most conducive to effective specialist analysis.
A similar phenomenon was observed at Case B, where Chris was considered an expert in collecting spatial coordinates using the differential global positioning system (DGPS) that forms the basis of their geospatial analyses. Trench supervisors called upon Chris to collect geospatial information from various targeted locations, and he depended on their understanding of the trench and of the value of specific spots that warranted data collection.B1 He also relied on trench assistants to help him by holding a portable DGPS “rover” (which communicates with a spatially-calibrated base station located in a fixed position), and talk among them tended to be about ensuring the proper collection of a reliable sample of points (see Figure 1).B2 As illustrated in Excerpt 1, Chris recorded the geospatial point at the position where Oliver, the trench assistant, placed the rover, while Liz, the trench supervisor, oversaw the process and identified what needed to be recorded.B2
Liz: And then if you can just take one point there, and one point right in the middle, umm that’s all we need.
Oliver: Ok.
Liz: And then you’re free to start digging and I’ll help you out in a minute.
. . .
Chris: So what are we doing?
Oliver: We’re taking points.
Liz: Just one where you dug.
Oliver: Here?
Liz: Yep, yep. One in there, and then one over there is fine, somewhere in the middle.
. . .
Chris: It’s excavation unit [redacted identifier]?
Liz: Yeah. Closing.
Chris: Alright.?? B2
Finds processing
Archaeological projects uncover a lot of material throughout the course of an excavation or survey, which must be sorted and processed to facilitate subsequent analysis. Finds processing begins in the field, where objects are first recovered and identified as finds that will yield valuable insight into the lives of past people. At both Cases A and B, fieldworkers divided these finds into broad-level categories corresponding to materials, such as ceramic, bone and shell, separating them into bags and buckets labelled with the excavation unit in which they were found, as they emerged from the trenches (see Figure 3: E and F) and Figure 2. At the same time, they tossed stones that exhibit no anthropogenic qualities (see Figure 3: D). They also used sieves to separate loose sediment from small objects, collecting those that they deem culturally meaningful, and discarded the rest (see Figure 3: A, B, C and D).